Christian Overcomers

Bible Study & Prophecy

THE WAR ON NATIONAL SOVERIEGNTY

(Conservapedia) The War on Sovereignty is a term used to describe to the push by liberals, globalists, and Marxists to undermine and eventually do away with national sovereignty, autonomy, self-governance, and national identity, replacing it with a "global community" or "consensus" and a one-world government. They have several methods to advance this agenda, including mass migration, so-called "free" trade agreements, and international organizations.

Due to rebellion against God, naive belief in the Idea of Progress, and support for big government policies, the
globalist establishment of liberal elites seeks to gradually but steadily do away with sovereignty and merge the world into a single unified political organization. In the process, they and the organizations they affiliate with either attack the notion of sovereignty or redefine it for their own purposes.

Contrary to the claims of some naive or ill-intentioned critics, the War on Sovereignty is not some "conspiracy theory" that its promoters are malevolently plotting in secret as a short-term project. In reality, liberals and globalists see it as a benign and long-term goal openly grounded upon one of the basic philosophical views accepted in contemporary mainstream society.

The founding fathers of the United States cared deeply about preserving national sovereignty, since a sovereign U.S. government would serve the American people alone and protect their unalienable rights, and let them govern themselves. In fact, they chose to declare independence because Britain was not respecting their right to self-government. In his farewell address in September 1796, George Washington warned his fellow Americans against becoming entangled in international treaties and alliances, as he knew it would end American sovereignty:

“...a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils...

374px-George_Washington_by_Gilbert_Stuart,_1797

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils. Such an attachment of a small or weak towards a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.

The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none; or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people under an efficient government. the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice?

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